Roberto Bonilla
Esther Cuenca
History 101
April 29, 2014
Deconstruction of The Saint Petersburg Workmen’s Petition to the Tsar.
The oppression and exploitation of the Russian proletariat led to the creation of The Saint Petersburg Workmen’s Petition to the Tsar, in January 22 of 1905. Perhaps this formal petition; which was created by the Priest George Gaspon on behalf of the proletariat with the intention to promote social and political improvements was far from advocating a complete revolutionary change in the social and political spectrum. The petition called for a conservative agreement rooted in liberal ideologies of the nineteenth century, between the proletariat and the capitalist. This document was written under the assumption that social and political reforms were only possible with the cooperation of the Tsar Nicholas II, who was assumed to be a good representative, promoting the interest of the working class. The workers believed that this cooperation could be achieved under the idea that the Russian working class had political efficacy. As a result, this grassroots movement was organized by the workers to advocate the improvement of both working and living conditions in the years to come.
Although the petitions that were enacted by Russian workers with the cooperation of the clergy sought to promote changes; these changes cannot be seen as radical or leftist since they called for a collaboration of the workers and the capitalist. It can be argued that these petitions called for change based on liberal ideologies that flourished in Europe during the nineteenth century. This information drawn from the specific paragraph of the petition, the workers claim to the Tsar to call for a meeting; a meeting where delegates were to be chosen. These delegates will equally represent the capitalist as well the workers and the other groups on the political arena (Gapon). This is clear example that their concerns can be mostly rooted on liberal ideals; which became the prevalent political and ideological system in Western Europe during the nineteenth century. These ideas were partly created because they were necessary to the development of large scale trading and manufacture of goods, that required the mobilization of goods and individuals from one side of country or territory to another. To understand the workers positions one must understand the core values of democratic liberalism. Under the values liberal ideology; democracy and direct representation in the government of some sort is needed. Additionally under liberal ideology the highest good of society relies on the ability of each and every member to fully develop their individual capacities; which entails that the individual must have full intellectual freedom.
In order for the individual to have full intellectual freedom, he must have freedom of speech, religion and press. Another vital principle of liberal ideology is the need for a minimal government that would not interfere with the individual freedom. Having minimal government with no interference on all aspects of society would allow the individual to regulate their self-economic activity which is believed to create prosperous economic conditions. Another characteristic of liberal principles are the ideals of equality specifically when it comes to the equal application of the law in all cases without exception (Shively). This set of ideologies are resembled in this petition to the Tsar as they are listed by priest Gapon as the main priority of the workers listed on the first clause, which calls for : “1)Freedom and inviolability of the person, liberty of speech, of the press, of association, of conscience in matters of religion, and separation of Church and State.” the overlapping ideals from this legal petition and the values of liberal democratic governments also becomes more evident in the first and second clauses of section two that talk about the regulation of the government and the economy, this clauses were written by priest Gapon on behalf of the workers and goes as follow: “(1) The repeal of indirect taxation, and the substitution of a direct progressive income-tax.(2) Repeal of the land redemption tax. Cheap credit, and a gradual transfer of the land to the people.” and then continues on to say: “(4) Equality of all persons, without exception, before the law.” this clause as previously mentioned, derives from the main ideas developed by the intellectuals of the liberal movement in the fact that both called for personal freedoms that lead to the fully development of the individual. This ideological similarities between this legal petition to the Russian Tsar and the core principles of liberal democracies that developed in Britain during the nineteenth century, lead to the conclusion that this grassroots movement did not call for radical political change, perhaps a more conservative approach that did not interfered with the structure of society but which will produce benefits for the workers without altering the status quo of society.
The St. Petersburg workmen’s petition the Tsar Nicholas II was enacted to promote improvements on the working conditions of the Russian proletariat but it was not by advocating the overthrow of the government but through the direct cooperation from the Tsar. Through the analysis of certain passages of this petition it becomes self-evident that this legal document was written under the assumptions that the petitions of the worker were going to be taking into account by the Tsar and that he had political the power to enact these reforms. As noted in this passage from the petition written by priest Gapon, “Sire, and therefore we are gathered together before your palace walls. Here we await the last available means of rescue. Refuse not to help your people out of the gulf of rightlessness, misery, and ignorance. Give them a chance of accomplishing their destiny. Deliver them from the intolerable oppression of the bureaucracy.” is evident that the Russian working class has the assumption that the social and political changes stated in their petitions are actually possible with the cooperation of the Tsar; as he is seen as the “Last means of rescue”. And by presenting these set of legal petitions to the Tsar they have political efficacy; or the idea that people can in fact influence the decision making, which will eventually lead to positive changes being enacted with the collaboration of the Tsar.
Another important idea that is also evident from these documents is that the Tsar is never portrayed as a tyrant or despotic leader, in fact he is described as leader that is responsive to his constituents and has the political power to make these economic and social improvements possible. As stated by priest Gapon on behalf of the workers, “Those, Sire, constitute our principal needs, which we come to lay before you. Give orders and swear that they shall be fulfilled, and you will render Russia happy and glorious.” the Tsar is not seen a tyrant or oppressive as the bureaucracy or the capitalist, far from that he is seen as the savior, the leader who would lead Russia into a prosperous and happy nation. These assumption about the Tsar Nicholas II was probably influenced by his predecessor Tsar Nicholas I. During the mid-nineteenth century the Russia faced a system of economic and social unrest; that according to high officials was primarily attributed to the system of serfdom. Government officials in Russia believed that this economic system only hindered the economic progress of the nation and it only created a threat of revolution coming from the serfs. While taking into account the inhumane factor of serfdom and how this system affected individuals and with the purpose to promote a future expansion of the Russian empire; serfdom was abolished. This economic system was not only cruel but it was also proven to be inefficient specifically during 1856, when Russia was defeated by Great Britain in the Crimean war and it showed the inability for a country under such a political and economic system to raise up an army that was competitive to the British or the French Armies. In order for Russia to be competitive as a supper power at a global scale, The Tsar Nicholas had to abolish serfdom. Serfdom was abolished is a series of decrees that were made by the Tsar during February 19 of 1861; although it did not eradicated the problem completely and serfs did not experienced immediate improvement in their lives; they were partly successful because they were now free (Rees). It can be argued that the abolition of serfdom by the Tsar Nicholas I, was the factor what shaped the political opinions and believes of the proletariat and influenced these assumptions about their leader. This series decrees that abolished serfdom, showed or at least gave a false impression that the proletariat had political efficacy or the ability to influence the decisions making and the Tsars was willing to cooperate for the improvement of the Russian society. This was possibly the one of the reasons why the petition was written since after the abolition of serfdom the working class obtained political efficacy that is require to promote socio-economic changes.
This conservative petition that called for the cooperation of the Tsar, was the product of Liberal Ideologies that became the foundation of the needs for the Russian working class leading up to the beginning of the twentieth century. This petition which was primarily based on numerous assumptions about the political system of Russia during the rule of Tsar Nicholas II organized with the help of the clergy, called for the improvement of both living and working conditions. This document although it demanded change in the political and socials system was not by any means revolutionary; it called for changes within the same structural system under the assumption that Tsar was indeed a good promoter of the interest of the common interest.
Esther Cuenca
History 101
April 29, 2014
Deconstruction of The Saint Petersburg Workmen’s Petition to the Tsar.
The oppression and exploitation of the Russian proletariat led to the creation of The Saint Petersburg Workmen’s Petition to the Tsar, in January 22 of 1905. Perhaps this formal petition; which was created by the Priest George Gaspon on behalf of the proletariat with the intention to promote social and political improvements was far from advocating a complete revolutionary change in the social and political spectrum. The petition called for a conservative agreement rooted in liberal ideologies of the nineteenth century, between the proletariat and the capitalist. This document was written under the assumption that social and political reforms were only possible with the cooperation of the Tsar Nicholas II, who was assumed to be a good representative, promoting the interest of the working class. The workers believed that this cooperation could be achieved under the idea that the Russian working class had political efficacy. As a result, this grassroots movement was organized by the workers to advocate the improvement of both working and living conditions in the years to come.
Although the petitions that were enacted by Russian workers with the cooperation of the clergy sought to promote changes; these changes cannot be seen as radical or leftist since they called for a collaboration of the workers and the capitalist. It can be argued that these petitions called for change based on liberal ideologies that flourished in Europe during the nineteenth century. This information drawn from the specific paragraph of the petition, the workers claim to the Tsar to call for a meeting; a meeting where delegates were to be chosen. These delegates will equally represent the capitalist as well the workers and the other groups on the political arena (Gapon). This is clear example that their concerns can be mostly rooted on liberal ideals; which became the prevalent political and ideological system in Western Europe during the nineteenth century. These ideas were partly created because they were necessary to the development of large scale trading and manufacture of goods, that required the mobilization of goods and individuals from one side of country or territory to another. To understand the workers positions one must understand the core values of democratic liberalism. Under the values liberal ideology; democracy and direct representation in the government of some sort is needed. Additionally under liberal ideology the highest good of society relies on the ability of each and every member to fully develop their individual capacities; which entails that the individual must have full intellectual freedom.
In order for the individual to have full intellectual freedom, he must have freedom of speech, religion and press. Another vital principle of liberal ideology is the need for a minimal government that would not interfere with the individual freedom. Having minimal government with no interference on all aspects of society would allow the individual to regulate their self-economic activity which is believed to create prosperous economic conditions. Another characteristic of liberal principles are the ideals of equality specifically when it comes to the equal application of the law in all cases without exception (Shively). This set of ideologies are resembled in this petition to the Tsar as they are listed by priest Gapon as the main priority of the workers listed on the first clause, which calls for : “1)Freedom and inviolability of the person, liberty of speech, of the press, of association, of conscience in matters of religion, and separation of Church and State.” the overlapping ideals from this legal petition and the values of liberal democratic governments also becomes more evident in the first and second clauses of section two that talk about the regulation of the government and the economy, this clauses were written by priest Gapon on behalf of the workers and goes as follow: “(1) The repeal of indirect taxation, and the substitution of a direct progressive income-tax.(2) Repeal of the land redemption tax. Cheap credit, and a gradual transfer of the land to the people.” and then continues on to say: “(4) Equality of all persons, without exception, before the law.” this clause as previously mentioned, derives from the main ideas developed by the intellectuals of the liberal movement in the fact that both called for personal freedoms that lead to the fully development of the individual. This ideological similarities between this legal petition to the Russian Tsar and the core principles of liberal democracies that developed in Britain during the nineteenth century, lead to the conclusion that this grassroots movement did not call for radical political change, perhaps a more conservative approach that did not interfered with the structure of society but which will produce benefits for the workers without altering the status quo of society.
The St. Petersburg workmen’s petition the Tsar Nicholas II was enacted to promote improvements on the working conditions of the Russian proletariat but it was not by advocating the overthrow of the government but through the direct cooperation from the Tsar. Through the analysis of certain passages of this petition it becomes self-evident that this legal document was written under the assumptions that the petitions of the worker were going to be taking into account by the Tsar and that he had political the power to enact these reforms. As noted in this passage from the petition written by priest Gapon, “Sire, and therefore we are gathered together before your palace walls. Here we await the last available means of rescue. Refuse not to help your people out of the gulf of rightlessness, misery, and ignorance. Give them a chance of accomplishing their destiny. Deliver them from the intolerable oppression of the bureaucracy.” is evident that the Russian working class has the assumption that the social and political changes stated in their petitions are actually possible with the cooperation of the Tsar; as he is seen as the “Last means of rescue”. And by presenting these set of legal petitions to the Tsar they have political efficacy; or the idea that people can in fact influence the decision making, which will eventually lead to positive changes being enacted with the collaboration of the Tsar.
Another important idea that is also evident from these documents is that the Tsar is never portrayed as a tyrant or despotic leader, in fact he is described as leader that is responsive to his constituents and has the political power to make these economic and social improvements possible. As stated by priest Gapon on behalf of the workers, “Those, Sire, constitute our principal needs, which we come to lay before you. Give orders and swear that they shall be fulfilled, and you will render Russia happy and glorious.” the Tsar is not seen a tyrant or oppressive as the bureaucracy or the capitalist, far from that he is seen as the savior, the leader who would lead Russia into a prosperous and happy nation. These assumption about the Tsar Nicholas II was probably influenced by his predecessor Tsar Nicholas I. During the mid-nineteenth century the Russia faced a system of economic and social unrest; that according to high officials was primarily attributed to the system of serfdom. Government officials in Russia believed that this economic system only hindered the economic progress of the nation and it only created a threat of revolution coming from the serfs. While taking into account the inhumane factor of serfdom and how this system affected individuals and with the purpose to promote a future expansion of the Russian empire; serfdom was abolished. This economic system was not only cruel but it was also proven to be inefficient specifically during 1856, when Russia was defeated by Great Britain in the Crimean war and it showed the inability for a country under such a political and economic system to raise up an army that was competitive to the British or the French Armies. In order for Russia to be competitive as a supper power at a global scale, The Tsar Nicholas had to abolish serfdom. Serfdom was abolished is a series of decrees that were made by the Tsar during February 19 of 1861; although it did not eradicated the problem completely and serfs did not experienced immediate improvement in their lives; they were partly successful because they were now free (Rees). It can be argued that the abolition of serfdom by the Tsar Nicholas I, was the factor what shaped the political opinions and believes of the proletariat and influenced these assumptions about their leader. This series decrees that abolished serfdom, showed or at least gave a false impression that the proletariat had political efficacy or the ability to influence the decisions making and the Tsars was willing to cooperate for the improvement of the Russian society. This was possibly the one of the reasons why the petition was written since after the abolition of serfdom the working class obtained political efficacy that is require to promote socio-economic changes.
This conservative petition that called for the cooperation of the Tsar, was the product of Liberal Ideologies that became the foundation of the needs for the Russian working class leading up to the beginning of the twentieth century. This petition which was primarily based on numerous assumptions about the political system of Russia during the rule of Tsar Nicholas II organized with the help of the clergy, called for the improvement of both living and working conditions. This document although it demanded change in the political and socials system was not by any means revolutionary; it called for changes within the same structural system under the assumption that Tsar was indeed a good promoter of the interest of the common interest.
Bibliography
Gapon, Georgii. “Petition Prepared for Presentation to Nicholas II, January 9, 1905 (Bloody Sunday).” Documents in Russian History. Translated by Daniel Field. Originally Published in January 9th, 1905, Republished on February 18, 2009. Web. Accessed April 4014.
Rees, David. "The Abolition of Serfdom in Russia, 1762-1907." Canadian Slavonic Papers 46.1 (2004): 239-41. ProQuest. Web. 29 Apr. 2014.
Shively, W. Phillips. "Modern Ideologies and Political Philosophy." Power and Choice: An Introduction to Political Science. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1991. N. pag. Print.
Gapon, Georgii. “Petition Prepared for Presentation to Nicholas II, January 9, 1905 (Bloody Sunday).” Documents in Russian History. Translated by Daniel Field. Originally Published in January 9th, 1905, Republished on February 18, 2009. Web. Accessed April 4014.
Rees, David. "The Abolition of Serfdom in Russia, 1762-1907." Canadian Slavonic Papers 46.1 (2004): 239-41. ProQuest. Web. 29 Apr. 2014.
Shively, W. Phillips. "Modern Ideologies and Political Philosophy." Power and Choice: An Introduction to Political Science. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1991. N. pag. Print.
Anotated Bibliography
Gapon, Georgii. “Petition Prepared for Presentation to Nicholas II, January 9, 1905 (Bloody Sunday).” Documents in Russian History. Translated by Daniel Field. Originally
Published in January 9th, 1905, Republished on February 18, 2009. Web. Accessed 4
April 4014. http://academic.shu.edu/russianhistory/index.php/Workers%27_Petition,_January_9th,_1905_%28Bloody_Sunday%29
The Petition Prepared for Presentation to Nicholas II, January 9, 1905 (Bloody Sunday); was written by the priest Georgii Gapon in representation of the workers from St Petersburg in Russia in January 9 of 1905. This primary source is a petition to the Russian Tsar Nicholas II. This document was written in representation of the working class in Russia. It was primarily written to achieve a consensus between the working class and the capitalist; this consensus as it can be obtained from the document can only be achieved through the Tsar. In this petition the workers are trying to achieve specific changes that are described in the source. The workers are asking to the Tsar to make changes that would improve the economic and social condition of the working class, which as the petition explains, are being exploited by the capitalist and their most basic necessities and right are being denied. This document gives us and idea about the social, economic and political conditions that the working class had to fight against. This document deeply rooted on liberal democracy principles; which are primarily based on the individual and his freedom and to have some representation in the government, as the source states; the main concerns of these workers is to obtain the freedom of speech, religion, press, assembly, and representation in the government.
Gapon, Georgii. “Petition Prepared for Presentation to Nicholas II, January 9, 1905 (Bloody Sunday).” Documents in Russian History. Translated by Daniel Field. Originally
Published in January 9th, 1905, Republished on February 18, 2009. Web. Accessed 4
April 4014. http://academic.shu.edu/russianhistory/index.php/Workers%27_Petition,_January_9th,_1905_%28Bloody_Sunday%29
The Petition Prepared for Presentation to Nicholas II, January 9, 1905 (Bloody Sunday); was written by the priest Georgii Gapon in representation of the workers from St Petersburg in Russia in January 9 of 1905. This primary source is a petition to the Russian Tsar Nicholas II. This document was written in representation of the working class in Russia. It was primarily written to achieve a consensus between the working class and the capitalist; this consensus as it can be obtained from the document can only be achieved through the Tsar. In this petition the workers are trying to achieve specific changes that are described in the source. The workers are asking to the Tsar to make changes that would improve the economic and social condition of the working class, which as the petition explains, are being exploited by the capitalist and their most basic necessities and right are being denied. This document gives us and idea about the social, economic and political conditions that the working class had to fight against. This document deeply rooted on liberal democracy principles; which are primarily based on the individual and his freedom and to have some representation in the government, as the source states; the main concerns of these workers is to obtain the freedom of speech, religion, press, assembly, and representation in the government.
This are some of the pictures taking during the revolution of 1905, in these we can observe the mas mobilization of people who were advocating for a change to the Tsar.
This is a god video summarizing the series of events that led and took place during the revolution.
These are some propaganda posters used during the 1905 to get the support of the working class in Russia.